Law review article

Balancing Act: Reflections on Justice O’Connor’s Intellectual Property Jurisprudence

INTRODUCTION
In a case far removed from the intellectual property area, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor once wrote that “[c]ontext matters.”1 Over the course of her twenty-four years on the Court, many commentators have written paeans to Justice O’Connor’s “give-it-to-me-straight, cowgirl” approach to judging.2 O’Connor is known and lauded for her preference for broad standards and balancing tests as opposed to bright line rules,3 her penchant for pragmatic approaches,4 and her contributions to the areas of

1. Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306, 327 (2003).

Craig Joyce, Lazy Band the Nation’s Court: Pragmatism in Service of Principle, 119 HARV. L. REV. 1257, 1272 (2006); see also Scott Bales, Justice Sandra Day O’Connor: No Insurmountable Hurdles, 58 STAN. L. REV. 1705, 1705 (2006) (describing her manner as “unassuming” and “down-to-earth”); Ruth Bader Ginsburg et al., A Tribute to Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, 119 HARV. L. REV. 1239 (2006) (noting O’Connor’s straightforward, no-nonsense attitude); Anthony M. Kennedy, William Rehnquist and Sandra Day O’Connor: An Expression of Appreciation, 58 STAN. L. REV. 1663, 1667 (2006) (discussing the dominant influence of O’Connor’s western roots).

See Joyce, supra note 2, at 1266 (noting that, in the landmark decision of Roe v. Wade, Justice O’Connor did not like the trimester framework, but rather preferred the undue burden balancing test). For an excellent discussion of the debate over the use of standards versus rules within the Supreme

Law review article

A Cowgirl Rides the Circuits: Retired Justice Sandra Day O’Connor Puts her Band on Federal Appellate Courts

SUPREME COURT REPORT

Death for Rape, an Echo of the Past

In a busy month for criminal cases, SCOTUS looks once more at capital punishment

I

BY DAVID G. SAVAGE

TWAS 44 YEARS AGO THIS SPRING THAT THE STATE

of Missouri put to death Ronald Wolfe for the crime of rape. Though no one could know it then, his execution would prove to be the end of an era. Rape had been a capital crime for

much of American history, and it remained so through the middle decades of the 20th century, almost exclu sively in the South. About nine of 10 of those sen tenced to death for rape during those years were black.

In 1977, a year after having restored the death penal ty as a constitutional punishment for murder, the U.S. Supreme Court branded death a cruel and unusual pun ishment for rape. The justices overturned a death sen tence for three-time rapist Ehrlich Coker and strongly suggested that only homicide qualifies as a capital crime. Coker’s victim was just 16 years old, but she was referred to as an “adult woman” in Cokerv. Georgia, 433

U.S. 584.

“We have the abiding conviction that the death pen alty, which is unique in its severity and irrevocability, is an excessive penalty for the rapist who, as such, does not take human life,” wrote Justice Byron \lhite.

On April 16, the court will reconsider that “abiding conviction” in the case of a convicted child rapist from Louisiana. Kennedy v. Louisiana, No. 07-343.

When Patrick Kennedy, a black man, was sentenced to die for the rape of his

Arizona Republic, Editorial

Reasons we should say ‘yes’ to Prop. 111

Arizona needs to create a lieutenant governor. Voters can approve this sensible change by voting “yes” on Proposition 111. History, logic and clarity tell us why.

History: The issue of succession isn’t academic in Arizona, where governors have died in office, been removed through impeachment and resigned. When Jan Brewer became governor, it was the fifth time that the secretary of state had risen to the post.

Logic: The No. 2 position in 45 other states is the lieutenant governor. It’s “truth in advertising”: The line of succession is clear from the name of the job. The change wouldn’t add to bureaucracy in Arizona, since the lieutenant governor would continue to perform the duties of secretary of state.

Clarity: Although they would run separately in the primary election, the governor and lieutenant-governor candidates would run on a common ticket in the general election. That would avoid the political earthquake of having the governor’s office abruptly switch parties, as happened when Republican Brewer took over when Democratic Gov. Janet Napolitano resigned. Voters wouldn’t see their choice of political party at the executive level suddenly overturned by circumstances.

The commonsense creation of a lieutenant governor has bipartisan support. It is among the reforms that emerged from Government for Arizona’s 2nd Century, a discussion supported by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, the O’Connor House Project and Greater Phoenix Leadership. Voters should say “yes” to Proposition

Law review article

A Woman of the West, But Not the Tribes: Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and the State-Tribe Relationship

A WOMAN OF THE WEST, BUT NOT THE TRIBES: JUSTICE SANDRA DAY O’CONNOR AND THE STATE-TRIBE RELATIONSHIP

Richard L. Barnes*

INTRODUCTION

Sandra Day O’Connor was the first woman appointed to the United States Supreme Court. As a first-in-category appointee to the Court, her historical role is assured. This Article examines one piece of that legacy: Is it plausible to find some of her character as a “first” in her opinions for the Court in Indian cases? Specifically, does a legacy of categorical pioneering exist in the Justice’s treatment of American Indians in her Supreme Court opinions?

Any prediction as to outcome would be shaky if based on tribal interests alone, but the examination below shows something at least as valuable.1 Her overall approach to the federal-state power balance deeply affected her opinions in the area of federal Indian law.

It appears that her overt concern was about the federal state balance, a federalism concern, and one that deeply affected her view of the tribal-state balance. Many of the opinions examined below are foreshadowed by the structure of the Justice’s opinions. Those that rested on doctrines of federal-state power allocation, such as preemption, were likely to be a loss for the tribe in its role as surrogate for federal power. This tribe-as-

* The Leonard B. Melvin, Jr., Distinguished Lecturer in Law and Professor of Law at the University of Mississippi School of Law. My thanks to Dean Richard Gershon and the Lamar Order for continuing

Law review article

From Courtroom to Classroom: Justice Sandra Day O’Connor’s Civics Learning Revolution

COURTROOM TO CLASSROOM

J O’Con

Civics Learning Revolution

By Kelly B. Landis

Ci,vic education must be understood, at its root, as education for informed participation in government and society. The goal is for students to have the knowledge to understand the political history of our nation, appreciate different perspectives, craft their own informed opinions, and gain the skills to persuasive# ly advocate their views in the public sphere. This combination of outcomes will motivate students to participate and to lead so that self rule can be continued and perfected.

-JusTICE SANDRA DAY O ‘C oNNOR1

weighing in on the questions presented by the game. The jokes and asides garnered laughs. But as the game progressed, the room grew quieter and fewer and fewer hands shot up into the air. Finally, one hand did go up; a state supreme court jus tice told the iCivics representative leading the session that many of the judges in the room probably did not feel comfortable weighing in on some of the issues raised by the game. While not quite in advisory opinion territory, they still may be offer ing answers to questions that could come before them on the bench.

Six months later, another group met to play the same game, this time in a Washington, D.C., courthouse. However, this group consisted not of judges, but of 10-year-olds from the Boys and Girls Club of Greater Washington. The dynamic reversed from the one that had played out in Maine. At first, few children vol unteered their

Law review article

Being First – Sandra Day O’Connor and Madeleine Albright in Conversation

“It’s nice to be first, but don’t be the last,” said Sandra Day O’Connor, the first woman justice on the U.S. Supreme Court (1981-2006), during a conversation she recently had with her friend, Madeleine Albright, the first woman U.S. secretary of state (1997-2001). “You actually want to do it better than anybody else,” responded Secretary Albright. “I think that’s a really important point. You don’t want to screw it up for everybody else.”

Both of these women made history when they toppled the gender barrier in their respective professions-something neither could have predicted. O’Connor grew up on the Lazy B, a remote cattle ranch near Duncan, Arizona, and initially struggled to land lawyer job interviews because she was a woman. Albright survived an unsettling childhood as a Czech refugee-first fleeing the Nazis, then communism. She was teaching at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., and 55 years old before she received her first diplomatic post as ambassador to the United Nations in 1993.

Both have written memoirs about their lives’ unexpected twists and turns. It was the recent debuts of O’Connor’s latest book, Out of Order, and Albright’s memoir, Prague Winter, that spurred their dual appearance on March 28 at the New York Public Library for a discussion moderated by Anne-Marie Slaughter, international lawyer and president of the New America Foundation in Washington, D.C. Slaughter also happens to be the first woman who served as director of policy planning for the

Law review article

O’Connor’s Canons: The Professional Responsibility Jurisprudence of Justice Sandra Day O’Connor

O’CONNOR’S CANONS: THE PROFESSIONAL RESPONSIBILITY JURISPRUDENCE OF JUSTICE SANDRA DAY O’CONNOR

STEVEN H. HOBBSt

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor came to the Supreme Court at a tJ’me of tremendous change in the legal profession. With the development of commercial free-speech doctrine lawyers were pennitted to advertise their services. Justice O’Connor vigorously opposed this development because of the potential legal advertising had for damaging the ethical standards of the profession. She believed that lawyers, because of their privileged position in society, had a higher moral duty to society as officers of the court. Moreover, she asserted that ethical standards should be established at the state level and the Court should defer to the states in this regard Justice

0 ‘Connor wrapped her professional ideals around the belief that our majestic law, steeped in traditions of freedom, democracy, and liberty, was to be maintained by lawyers with the highest commitment to professional duty and a willingness to subserve their own financial and personal interests to the needs of the clients. This article will consider the constitutional jurisprudence of Justice Sandra Day O’Connor in the arena of professional responsibility with a focus on how she expressed her ethical canons in light of First Amendment doctrine as applied to commercial free speech. Her views are immensely relevant to cUJTent discourse on professionalism.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 100

JUSTICE O’CONNOR’S CANONS

Law review article

Supreme Court “Majoritizing”: What Justice O’Connor and Justice Kennedy Can Tell Us About the Near Future

EXCERPT:

I. INTRODUCTION

The number five is one of the most important numbers in the United States: the number of votes needed for a majority on the United States Supreme Court. Few justices in recent history have more frequently been, or are more adept at becoming the fifth vote than Justice O’Connor. Even fewer justices have found their vote to be as impactful on American life and law as Justice O’Connor. This paper will examine her legacy in that role by comparing her to another “frequent fifth,” Justice Kennedy, and in so doing, attempt to reveal some insight, however small, as to how a justice becomes “the fifth vote.”

II. Biographical Background

The back-story of a justice can yield insights into the possible origins of their jurisprudential inclinations, such as Justice Scalia’s father’s academic career as translator and linguist1 being a source of his originalist and textcentric approach to constitutional interpretation. Though such biographical explorations risk caricaturizing a justice’s jurisprudence as primarily the product of circumstance, and belittles the slow formation of complex legal theories. Examining a justice’s biographical background can give valuable insight into how he or she maneuvers the interpersonal landscape of the Court in order to further their substantive jurisprudence. The pursuit of a majority is more the product of one’s upbringing, experience, and worldview than the substantive jurisprudence end a particular justice is working toward.

A.

Law review article

Influences and Influence: Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and Constitutional Doctrine

Articles

INFLUENCES AND INFLUENCE: JUSTICE SANDRA DAY O’CONNOR AND CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINE

Kenneth M Murchison

INFLUENCES 392

Gender: The First Female Justice 394

Politics: A Reagan Republican from the West 398

Legislative Experience: A Practical Politician 400

Religion: An Episcopalian 403

Judicial Experience: A State Court Judge 405

INFLUENCE AS A MEMBER OF THE COURT 410

Federalism 410

Separation of Powers 414

Individual Rights 417

Substantive Due Process 418

Equal Protection 421

Freedom of Religion 428

Freedom of Speech 434

Takings 444

Dissents: Failed Attempts to Influence 447

INFLUENCE ON THE FUTURE 452

CONCLUSION 460

Sandra Day O’Connor was both the first woman appointed to the United States Supreme Court and the first justice that President Ronald Regan appointed. She served for nearly a quarter century and earned a reputation as a centrist on a Court that was often closely divided. As a result, she was frequently a member of the Court’s majority in cases with narrow majorities, and her views often defined the reach and limits of the Court’s rulings.

391

This article offers an assessment of Justice O’Connor’s impact on constitutional doctrine from the perspective of a decade after her retirement. After a brief biographical summary, it describes how five factors-gender, legislative experience, religion, and judicial experience-influenced her judicial decisions. It then surveys her impact on constitutional doctrine while she was a member of the Court

Law review article

Sandra Day O’Connor, Abortion, and Compromise for the Court

SANDRA DAY O’CONNOR, ABORTION, AND COMP’ROMISE FOR THE COURT

INTRODUCTION

The abortion controversy is the product of many issues. Legally, is there a fundamental right to privacy for a woman; is the fetus a person within the meaning of the fourteenth amendment due process clause; legally and morally, is abortion murder; socio-economically, should federal funds be used for abortions; if the abortion right is overturned, is it unjust that the rich will be able to secure safe, ille gal abortions, while the poor will again be forced into back-alley abortions?

These are all important questions; however, the most controversial aspects of the abortion right may be the medically based criteria set down in Roe v. Wade,1 establishing the right and standards for abortion.

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, in a scathing dissent to Akron v. Akron Center for Reproductive Health, Inc.,2 said, “The Roe frame work… is clearly on a collision course with itself.”3 It is her opin ion that the guidelines for regulation of abortions and the parame ters of the right were illogically and improperly decided. Because of her views, she has become the hope of the factions that vow to over turn Roe v. Wade and the right to choose abortion.”

But where does Sandra Day O’Connor really stand on this point? As the most articulate dissenter on abortion and the only woman on the Court, her position is unique. By reason of these distinctions, as the abortion right struggles to remain alive, she will become the